In December 1776, the American Revolution was just getting started and New York was in crisis. New York’s delegates to Philadelphia had signed the Declaration of Independence in July 1776.
But by the end of the year, though, New York was in peril – Long Island and the city of New York had been occupied by the British, the Westchester County region was not in control of either side, and British authorities were appealing to New Yorkers to abandon the rebels and support the Crown.
The “Convention of Representatives of the State of New York,” elected earlier that year, had authorized the New York delegates to sign on for independence.
The Convention had begun meeting in White Plains, then fled to Fishkill to distance itself from the British. There it began drafting the first state constitution, which would formally bring the state into existence, but that would not happen until April 1777. It would happen in Kingston, where the Convention had relocated in February to get farther away from the British.
December of 1776 was a time of anxiety and stress. In one of its first official documents, the Convention issued an urgent plea to fellow New Yorkers to rally to the cause of independence as “An Address of the Convention of Representatives of the State of New York to Their Constituents”
“At this most important period, when the freedom and happiness, or the slavery and misery, of the present and future generations of Americans, is to be determined… it becomes the duty of the Representatives of a free people to call their attention to this most serious subject.
“And the more so, at a time when their enemies are industriously endeavoring to delude, intimidate, and seduce them by false suggestions, artful misrepresentations and insidious promises of protection,” the manifesto began.
Creating Something New
“You and all men were created free, and authorized to establish civil government, for the preservation of your rights against oppression, and the security of that freedom which God hath given you, against the rapacious hand of tyranny and lawless power.
“It is, therefore not only necessary to the well-being of society, but the duty of every man, to oppose and repel all those, by whatever name or title distinguished, who prostitute the powers of government to destroy the happiness and freedom of the people over whom they may be appointed to rule.”
The sentiment sounds familiar today, but in December 1776, “created free and authorized to establish civil government” was a new idea. The claim of unchecked royal authority was new and false, the document went on:
“[T]he people of Britain never claimed a right to dispose of us, and everything belonging to us according to their will and pleasure, until the reign of the present King of that Island. And that to enforce this abominable claim, they have invaded our country by sea and by land.
“The enemy with greater strength, again invade us. Invade us not less by their arts than their arms. They tell you that if you submit you shall have protection; that their king breathes nothing but peace.
“That he will revise (not repeal) all his cruel acts and instructions. And will receive you into favour. But what are the terms on which you are promised peace? Have you heard of any except absolute unconditional obedience and servile submission?…”
George III Says He Wants Peace But Policies Say Otherwise
“If the King of Britain really desires peace, Why did he order all your vessels to be seized and confiscated? Why did he most cruelly command, that the men found on board such vessels should be added to the crews of his Ships of War, and compelled to fight against their own countrymen; to spill the blood of their neighbours and friends; nay, of their fathers, their brothers and their children: and all this before these pretended Embassadors of peace had arrived on our shores?
“Does any history sacred or prophane, record anything more impious, more horrible, more execrably wicked, tyrannical or devilish? If there be one single idea of peace in his mind, Why does he order your cities to be burnt, your country desolated, your brethren to starve and languish and die in prison?
“If anything were intended besides destruction, devastation and bloodshed, Why are the mercenaries of Germany transported near four thousand miles, to plunder your houses; to ravish your wives and daughters; to strip your infant children; to expose whole families naked miserable and forlorn, to want, to hunger, to inclement skies and wretched deaths?…
“In a word, if peace was the desire of your enemies, and humanity their object, Why do they thus trample under foot every right and every duty, human and divine? Why, like the Demons of old, is their wrath to be expiated only by human sacrifices? Why do they excite the savages of the wilderness to murder our inhabitants and exercise cruelties unheard of among civilized nations?
“No regard for religion or virtue remains among them. Your very churches bear witness of their impiety. Your churches are used without hesitation as goals, as stables, and as houses of sport and theatrical exhibitions. What faith, what trust, what confidence can you repose in these men, who are deaf to the call of humanity, dead to every sentiment of religion and void of all regard for the temples of the Lord of Hosts?”
The British Want To Reduce Us To Submission
“And why all this desolation, blood-shed and unparalleled cruelty? They tell you to reduce you to obedience. Obedience! To what? To their sovereign will and pleasure. And what then? Why then you shall be pardoned, because you consent to be slaves. And why should you be slaves now, having been freemen ever since this country was settled?
“Because, forsooth the King and Parliament of an Island, three thousand miles off, chuse [choose] that you should be hewers of wood and drawers of water for them. And is this the people whose proud domination you are taught to solicit? Is this the peace which some of you so ardently desire? For shame! For shame!”
They Are Strong But Fighting For Our Rights Are Stronger
“But you are told, that their armies are numerous, their fleet strong, their soldiers valiant, their resources great, that you will be conquered, that victory ever attends their standard, and therefore that your opposition is vain, your resistance fruitless. What then?…
“A powerful and well-disciplined army, supported by a respectable fleet, invade this country. They are opposed by an army, which though numerous and brave, is quite undisciplined. Notwithstanding this manifest disparity, they have never thought it prudent to give us battle, though they have often had the fairest opportunities.
“True it is, that taking advantage of that critical moment, when our forces are almost disbanded, they have penetrated into Jersey, and marched a considerable distance without being attacked. If any are alarmed at this circumstance, let them consider that we do not fight for a few acres of land, but for Freedom; for the freedom and happiness of millions yet unborn.
“Would it not be highly imprudent to risque [sic] such important events upon the issue of a general battle, when it is certain Great Britain cannot long continue the war, and by protracting it we cannot fail of success? The British Ministry, sensible of this truth, and convinced that the people of England are aware of it, have promised that the present campaign shall be the last. They are greatly and justly alarmed at their situation.
“A country drained of men and money; the difficulties of supplying fleets and armies at so great a distance; the danger of domestic insurrections; the probability that France will take advantage of their defenseless condition; the ruin of their commerce by our privateers; these are circumstances at which the boldest are dismayed.
“They are convinced that the people will not remain long content in such a dangerous situation. Hence it is, that they press so hard to make this campaign decisive; and hence it is, that we should endeavor to avoid it…”
We Are Fighting For Our Rights, At Home
“But amidst all the terror and dismay which have taken hold upon some weak minds, let us consider the advantage under which we prosecute the present war. Our country supplies us with every commodity which is necessary for life or defense.
“Arms and ammunition are now abundantly manufactured in almost all the American States, and our armies will be abundantly supplied with all military stores. We have more fighting men in America than Britain can possibly send.
“Our trade is free, and every port of France and Spain affords protection to our ships. Other nations, invited by the advantages of the commerce, will doubtless soon follow their example; and experience must convince the most incredulous that the British navy cannot exclude us from the sea.
“If their armies have invaded, ravaged and plundered our dominions and our people, have we not successfully attacked them on their boasted empire of the ocean?…”
“The shores of America are washed by the ocean for more than two thousand miles, works for manufacturing salt have been erected and proved successful, and many cargoes of it are expected and have arrived in the neighbouring States.
“Provisions of every kind abound among us. From our plenteous stores Great Britain hath heretofore supplied her necessities, though she now most wantonly and ungratefully abuses the kind hand which hath ministered to her wants and alleviated her distress. As to clothing; the rapid increase of our manufacturers, and the supplies we obtain from abroad, quiet all fears upon that subject…
“Whoever therefore considers the natural strength and advantage of this country, the distance it is removed from Britain, the obvious policy of many European Powers, the great supplies of arms and ammunition cheerfully afforded us by the French and Spaniards, and the feeble and destitute condition of Britain:
“That she is drained of men and of money, obliged to hire foreign mercenaries for the execution of her wicked purposes; in arrears to her troops for a twelvemonth’s pay, which she cannot or will not discharge: her credit sunk; her trade ruined; her inhabitants divided; her King unpopular, and her Ministers execrated:
“That she is overwhelmed with a monstrous debt; cut off from the vast revenue heretofore obtained by taxes on American produce; her West-India Islands in a starving condition; her ships taken; her merchants involved in bankruptcy; her designs against us wicked, unjust, cruel, contrary to the laws of God and man, pursued with implacable, unrelenting vengeance, and in a manner barbarous, and opposed to the usage of civilized nations…”
“Rouse, brave citizens”
“If then God hath given us freedom, are we responsible to him for that, as well as other talents? If it be our birth-right, let us not sell it for a mess of pottage, nor suffer it to be torn from us by the hand of violence! If the means of defense are in our power, and we do not make use of them; What excuse shall we make to our children and our Creator?
“These are questions of the deepest concern to us all. These are questions which materially affect our happiness, not only in this world, but in the world to come. And surely, ‘if ever a test for the trial of spirits can be necessary, it is now. If ever those of liberty and faction ought to be distinguished from each other, it is now. If ever it is incumbent on the people to know truth and to follow it, it is now.’
“Rouse, therefore, brave Citizens! Do your duty like men! And be persuaded, that divine Providence will not permit this western world to be involved in the horrors of slavery.
“Consider! That from the earliest ages of the world, religion, liberty and empire, have been bounding their course toward the setting sun. The holy gospels are yet to be preached to those western regions, and we have the highest reason to believe that the Almighty will not suffer slavery and the gospel to go hand in hand. It cannot! It will not be!… We believe, and are persuaded, that you will do your duty like men…”
The Convention’s “Address” was issued the same month as the famous first issue of Thomas Paine’s The American Crisis and embodied some of the same sentiments.
Did the “Address” have an impact? It was printed and widely distributed, and copies were sent to the Second Continental Congress and other rebelling colonies, documenting New York’s commitment to the cause. This was important, because New York’s delegates had been among the last to sign the Declaration of Independence.
It was clear and laid out the rationale for the Revolution in persuasive detail. It came at a critical time when many New Yorkers were making up their minds about what to do and many New York men were deciding whether to join the cause and numerous New York soldiers were deciding whether to re-enlist or go home.
It appealed to citizens’ pride. It pushed back against defeatism, rallied people to the cause and and laid out the case for eventual patriot victory.
It dovetailed well with and reinforced the Declaration of Independence, Paine’s pamphlet, the Pennsylvania General Assembly’s December 24, 1776 “Address to the Inhabitants of Pennsylvania,” the Massachusetts House of Representatives’ “Address to the People of Massachusetts Bay,” January 26, 1777, and other items being published in support of the cause.
It articulated and foreshadowed some of the themes that the Convention would develop and embody in the first state constitution the following April, 1777.
So, while its impact is difficult to measure, the “Address” contributed to the patriot cause in New York at a critical time.
Illustration: “Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death!” Currier & Ives, 1876 (Metropolitan Museum of Art).
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